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http://www.pbs.org/crucible/tl1.html
Photo: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlos_Manuel_de_Céspedes
The South is an ever changing conglomeration of cultures, races, religions, values, communities, etc. It is shaped and defined by those who call it home, and who bring parts of their heritage for those who follow to discover and experience. This blog seeks to explore the impact of Cuban migration and settlement in the Southern United States by explaining the development of relations between the two countries and examining the events that lead to different waves of migration, in particular the Castro regime, while showing the lasting impact that Cuban culture has on the South.
![]() In 1493 Christopher Columbus claimed Cuba for the Spanish Empire. For centuries it was known for its rich sugar plantations and beautiful landscape, and was considered the “pearl” of the Empire. In the 1800’s the Spanish Empire began to crumble, however, and Cuban citizens grew restless for independence. By 1868 the restlessness turned into revolution. Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, a slave owner and plantation owner, led the revolution by declaring the independent Republic of Cuba. He also wrote an early constitution for the island that ended slavery and annexed Cuba to the United States. He freed his slaves and gave his land to the revolution's cause, and several other prominent plantation owners followed his example. President Ulysses S. Grant did not respond to the Cuban constitution, but many American citizens financially supported the revolution. Due to an inability to unite around a common goal, the revolution was never successful. It became known as the Ten Year’s War because it spanned from 1868 until 1878, when the Cuban rebels and Spanish government signed the Treaty of Zanjón to end the War. The treaty proved to be more of a truce, however, as it did not grant Cuba its independence, but rather promised it a status similar to Puerto Rico. In theory, Cuba would have representation in the Spanish parliament, and would be granted greater freedoms in regards to the press and assembly. The Treaty also pardoned all political offenses since 1868, and many of the leaders of the rebellion left the island to begin work on the next step in the fight for complete Cuban independence. http://www.pbs.org/crucible/tl1.html Photo: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlos_Manuel_de_Céspedes
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The Ten Year’s War created political unrest in Cuba, and it also threatened several successful cigar-making businesses. Vincente Martinez Ybor, a Spaniard by birth, was a business owner who worried that his business and income were at risk from the uncertain environment on the island. Ybor moved his operation to Key West, Florida in 1869. Key West is close to Cuba’s capital, Havana, and the climate is similar. There would also no longer be an import tax for finished tobacco goods to be shipped to the United States, so local officials in Key West were eager for Ybor to have part of his operation on the island. Many other cigar makers followed Ybor to Key West, and for about twenty-five years their businesses prospered. Key West became known as the “Clear Havana Cigar Center of the United States.”[1] The on-going struggle between Spain and Cuban rebels at home created tension between labor forces in Florida, however, and many cigar manufacturers had to deal with labor strikes. Key West also became more and more isolated from supplies and materials in Cuba and from markets that would buy the products in the United States. In the late 1800’s the South Florida Railroad completed tracks to Tampa, and Ybor’s business partner stayed overnight while on a trip. The city impressed the business partner so much that he convinced Ybor to open a branch factory there, and hoped that they could move the entire operation in time. The Tampa government was working hard to restore the population and create new industry, so they worked out an agreement with Ybor and sold him a 40 acre plot of land at half of the asking price. Cubans founded Ybor City, and bought more land over time, expanding and bringing more Cuban workers to fill the space. The area established a post system between itself and Cuba, and a steamship service from Tampa to Havana ran for eight months before the operation grew too large for the size of the ship. Cuban immigrants came to Tampa in droves, revitalizing the city and allowing other businesses to grow. This was the first mass migration of Cubans to the Southern United States, and it allowed cities that were suffering to prosper, leaving Americans with a welcoming feeling towards Cuban immigrants. Other cigar manufacturers made similar moves to towns in Florida, establishing several prominent Cuban communities throughout the state that are still standing today. Long, Durward. 1966. “The Historical Beginnings of Ybor City and Modern Tampa”. The Florida Historical Quarterly 45 (1). Florida Historical Society: 31–44. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30145699. [1] Long, Durward. 1966. “The Historical Beginnings of Ybor City and Modern Tampa”. The Florida Historical Quarterly 45 (1). Florida Historical Society: 32. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30145699. ![]() Jose Martí with cigar workers on the steps of Ybor's cigar factory, 1893 The Burgert Brothers Photographic Collection: The Burgert Brothers operated a photography studio in Ybor City from 1899 to 1963. They did commercial work for paying clients, putting together collections of photos from a variety of subjects. Their collection on Tampa sought to "[present] a unique pictorial record of the commercial, residential and social growth of Tampa Bay and Florida’s West coast from the late 1800s to the early 1960s."[1] As a result, the subject matter deals with Cuban immigrants and cigar factories. Many of the pictures show the homes that were built in Tampa after the cigar factories brought money and population to the city. The houses are well constructed and look beautiful, further emphasizing the way in which the labor forces brought to Tampa by Ybor and other factory owners created an affluent community where everyone had the opportunity to make a better life for themselves and their families. [1] http://digitalcollections.hcplc.org/cdm/landingpage/collection/p15391coll1 The above photo from the Bergert Brothers Collection shows Cuban women working in a cigar factory in Tampa. Women who came to Ybor City were given the opportunity to work and to make their own money. The factory conditions appear clean and safe, and all of the workers have access to seating, meaning that they were not exhausted from standing at work all day. Ybor City not only provided opportunities for white Cuban women, it also allowed African Cuban women opportunities and advantages. In the above photo from the Bergert Brothers Collection, a group of African Cuban women are pictured studying and working towards improving their educations. Ybor City created the opportunity for Tampa to grow and to become a center for all races and cultures to flourish, bringing diversity to the Southern United States.
http://digitalcollections.hcplc.org/cdm/singleitem/collection/p15391coll1/id/12416 In 1898 hostilities began between the United States and Spain. On February 15, 1898 the USS Maine was sunk in Havana Harbor, where it was anchored on a friendly mission. 266 American soldiers died. The YouTube video below shows real footage from the Library of Congress of the Maine smoldering in the harbor that all Americans saw in the wake of the attack. As a result of the attack on behalf of the Spanish government, the American people called for action. As Captain Oscar E. Carlstrom said in his address, "the United States had been at peace since the Civil War and had had no quarrel with any foreign nation resulting in resort to arms since the Mexican War in 1848 [...] it was necessary to delay the formal declaration of war until April 26, during which time the enemy was strengthening his forces."[1] The American people felt attacked, and for the first time turned their full attention to the island that had previously attempted to ask for help in declaring its independence. In the time between the sinking of the Maine and the formal declaration of war, President William McKinley sent an ultimatum to Spain demanding that it surrender control of Cuba. In response, Madrid declared war, forcing the United States to follow. The war lasted ten weeks, and while it centered on Cuba, it also involved other Spanish territories. The Spanish army was strong, and fought well, but Cuban insurgents and guerilla warfare crippled its effectiveness throughout the period. The added strength of the United States Navy proved to be more than the Spanish Empire could withstand, and in December of 1898 Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, which gave the United States temporary control of Cuba and ceded ownership of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. The Spanish Empire collapsed, sending the country into a profoundly philosophical period of reflection and questioning. Captain Carlstrom praised the United States for its role in Cuba’s liberation, claiming, “By its humanitarian purpose to lift the yoke of tyranny from the oppressed and defenseless, resulting in the liberation of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines, and conferring upon their people the benefit of orderly and decent government together with the opportunity of education progress and liberty […] the United States initiated in a world way its policy of “International Humanitarianism,” assumed a moral leadership among the nations of the world and demonstrated its capacity to protect and enforce that leadership.”[2] According to Captain Carlstrom, the victory of the United States marked a turning point where the North and the South united in the name of American superiority and betterment of the world. Carlstrom also demonstrated the emergence of the United States as a defender of democracy and freedom, a tenant that the country continues to be proud of in modern times. [1] Carlstrom, Oscar E.. “The Spanish-american War”. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984) 16.1/2 (1923): 105. Web. [2] Carlstrom, Oscar E.. “The Spanish-american War”. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984) 16.1/2 (1923): 107. Web. Carlstrom, Oscar E.. “The Spanish-american War”. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984) 16.1/2 (1923): 104–110. Web. The 1898 Treaty of Paris ceded Spain’s former Western territories to the United States, and the Cuban people rejoiced that they were finally granted their freedom. In the Treaty of Paris the United States made sure to include a stipulation that Cuba would fall under government of the President of the United States for a specific amount of time. In 1902 President Theodore Roosevelt issued an order for all American Army and Navy to withdraw from Cuba, and control of the government was ceded to Thomas Estrada Palma, who had been voted to office by the Cuban people. There was much celebration in the wake of Roosevelt’s order that the island would finally be in control of its own sovereignty, which is heard in the words of Cosme de la Torriente, a Cuban citizen who fought for independence in the War, “it was as though Providence had willed that the man who had risked his life for Cuban independence should have the privilege of restoring Cuba to her people!”[1]
In the years between the Treaty of Paris and Roosevelt’s decision to cede control of Cuba, however, there were several actions taken on behalf of the United States that built up tension between the two countries. According to de la Torriente, the Cuban government began working on a Constitution in 1898 and signed the document into law in February 1901. The Constitutional Assembly approached the United States to negotiate terms for relations between the two countries, and while the governments were in conversation, President William McKinley passed the Army Appropriation Bill in March 1901, which included the approval of the Platt Amendment. The Platt Amendment began by restating the United State’s role in helping Cuba gain its independence from Spain, and the understanding that Cuba would be a completely free country once a government was put in place under a written Constitution. The amendment went on to require, however, that the Cuban Constitution contain the following regulations: I. That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or otherwise, lodgment in or control over any portion of said island. II. That said government shall not assume or contract any public debt, to pay the interest upon which, and to make reasonable sinking fund provision for the ultimate discharge of which the ordinary revenues of the island, after defraying the current expenses of government, shall be inadequate. III. That the government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the government of Cuba. IV. That all acts of the United States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated, and all lawful rights acquired thereunder shall be maintained and protected. V. That the government of Cuba will execute, and, as far as necessary, extend, the plans already devised or other plans to be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to the commerce of the southern ports of the United States and the people residing therein. VI. That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto being left to future readjustment by treaty. VII. That to enable the United States to maintain the independence of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the government or Cuba will sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain specified points, to be agreed upon with the President of the United States. VIII. That by way of further assurance the government of Cuba will embody the foregoing provisions in a permanent treaty with the United States. [2] One particular example of the power given to the U.S. in the Platt Amendment was Guantánamo Bay. In December 1903, a year after Roosevelt formally ceded control of Cuba to its people, “the United States took possession of the lands and waters assigned to the Naval Station of Guantánamo.” [3] To the Cuban people, the Platt Amendment felt like an abuse of power on behalf of the United States. The Amendment allowed the U.S. to maintain controlling interest in the island’s government and decision-making process, and also required that land be given without question to the U.S. military. In the years following the Amendment and Cuba’s establishment of a Constitution and emerging government, tension erupted over the liberties granted to the United States, creating the first major divide between the two countries. [1] de la Torriente, Cosme. "THE PLATT AMENDMENT." Foreign Affairs 8, no. 3 (April 1930): 365-366. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost. [2] de la Torriente, Cosme. "THE PLATT AMENDMENT." Foreign Affairs 8, no. 3 (April 1930): 367-368. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost. [3] de la Torriente, Cosme. "THE PLATT AMENDMENT." Foreign Affairs 8, no. 3 (April 1930): 371. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost. After the Spanish-American War and the problematic Platt Amendment, Cuba was governed by a series of presidents who were monitored intensely by the United States. During the time “the combined pressures of mass mobilization, revolution, economic crisis and the threat of foreign intervention from the United States compelled Cuban politicians from across the ideological spectrum to come to terms with the clases populares.”[1] The clases populares referred to the majority of the population of Cuba and consisted of everyone who was not considered an elite in either the government or the sugar plantations, which dominated Cuba’s economy. From 1925 to 1933 Gerardo Machado governed Cuba, but he was not a popular president due to his failure to find a way to incorporate the masses into the political process. In 1933 the country once again experienced revolution, and a military and student junta overthrew Machado. The junta installed Ramón Grau San Martín, who “promised a ‘new Cuba’ with social justice for all classes” and the overturning of the Platt Amendment.[2] The leaders of the junta wanted diplomatic recognition by Washington, but at the same time, “they believed their legitimacy stemmed from the popular rebellion which brought them to power, and not from the approval of the United States’ Department of State.”[3] Under the provisional government of the junta a series of progressive reforms took place in Cuba. Women were given the right to vote, a minimum wage was established, and peasants could own their land. The government refused to negotiate power with an outside country; marking the first time in history that Cuba was governed by its people.
The United States did not want to lose its hold on a valuable asset, however, and in 1934 the Department of State supported an uprising against the provisional government led by Fulgencio Batista, a sergeant who had been involved in the overthrow of Machado. Batista ruled Cuba from behind the scenes for many years, and the army and the police supported him as he led a Populist movement. Batista knew that he had to appeal to the masses and their desires from the 1933 revolution in order to govern Cuba. Batista hoped to see an independent and successfully self-governed country in which he saw himself as “the chief of a constructive social revolution.”[4] Batista embodied democratic values that the United States could support as it maintained its hold on the country. [1] Whitney, Robert. 2000. “The Architect of the Cuban State: Fulgencio Batista and Populism in Cuba, 1937-1940”. Journal of Latin American Studies 32 (2). Cambridge University Press: 435. http://www.jstor.org/stable/158571. [2] Whitney, Robert. 2000. “The Architect of the Cuban State: Fulgencio Batista and Populism in Cuba, 1937-1940”. Journal of Latin American Studies 32 (2). Cambridge University Press: 436. http://www.jstor.org/stable/158571. [3] Whitney, Robert. 2000. “The Architect of the Cuban State: Fulgencio Batista and Populism in Cuba, 1937-1940”. Journal of Latin American Studies 32 (2). Cambridge University Press: 436. http://www.jstor.org/stable/158571. [4] Whitney, Robert. 2000. “The Architect of the Cuban State: Fulgencio Batista and Populism in Cuba, 1937-1940”. Journal of Latin American Studies 32 (2). Cambridge University Press: 440. http://www.jstor.org/stable/158571. Batista’s presidency lasted from 1940 to 1944 when he was defeated by Ramón Grau San Martín in the next election. He left Cuba and spent time living in the United States, returning to Cuba to run for reelection in 1952. It became very clear that Batista faced electoral defeat, however, and he led a military coup. The 1940 Constitution and the progressive government that Batista fought hard to establish in Cuba became an obstacle to his ascent to power. His regime used brutal repression to control uprisings, and Cuban citizens were stripped of their personal liberties. Batista's 1940 presidency embraced populist ideals and gave the masses an opportunity to be involved in the governing of their country, but under his dictatorship they were oppressed. The history of the Cuban majority pointed toward and eventual uprising, and as rebellion grew the Batista regime was spread thin. Cuba no longer embodied democratic values, and was moving away from the vision that the United States government originally held for the island. The United States had to accept that it had supported the wrong candidate to govern Cuba, and to prepare to intervene in the inevitable uprising in order to continue controlling its interests.[1] Batista catered to Cuba’s elite and wealthy, and built Havana into fast-paced center of the Western world. Batista had deep ties to the American Mafia, in particular Meyer Lansky, a major player in the crime organization. According to Cuban author Enrique Cirules in an interview with CCTV, “Batista was the one who opened the door for the North American Mafia.”[2] Havana became a center for gambling, drugs, sex, and expensive hotels and resorts that were meant to cater to American tourists. In the way that Cuban cigar manufacturers originally helped rebuild Florida, American tourism helped to fuel the seedy side of Cuba that emerged under Batista’s dictatorship. [1] "EN BUSCA DE FULGENCIO BATISTA." Revista Mexicana Del Caribe 6, no. 11 (June 2001): 207. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost [2] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TkJfqZ6LRrw In 1952 an uprising began that targeted Batista’s regime through guerilla warfare tactics. Fidel Castro aligned himself with the Socialist Party, joined by strong supporters of the Communist Party, and built up troops of rebel soldiers to fight against the corruption of the government. He was defeated several times over the years, but on January 1, 1959 Castro and his multiple forces surrounded Havana and Santiago and took control of the country, forcing Batista to flee and go into hiding. The United States government did not want to lose its controlling interest in Cuba and attempted to install a candidate in office when Batista fled, but Castro defeated the candidate and proclaimed Manuel Urrutia Lleó provisional president of Cuba. Castro made all of the decisions and ran the country behind the scenes for two months, and in February 16, 1959 Castro became the Prime Minister of Cuba and fully took control of the country. The extent of U.S. involvement and support of the Batista regime became more apparent as Castro strove to change Cuba, and one of the main tenants of his speeches was ending U.S. involvement in the country. In a speech in September 1959 Castro’s brother Raul addressed the extent to which Castro would go to truly establish Cuba’s independence:
“If Fidel Castro is the leader who is most popular, best known and who generates greatest enthusiasm and support in Latin America today, it is due not only to two years of armed struggle but also and principally to fact that revolutionary power established under his direction will firmly and resolutely restore the national sovereignty, limited or negated since 1898 by North American intervention, be it with troops, ambassadors, military or economic missions…”[1] Castro’s regime tracked down remaining members of the Batista government and tried them, resulting in mass executions. The United States feared Castro and his new vocal alliance with the Socialist Party. From the standpoint of the majority of Cubans, Castro was a hero. He began a series of social reforms to better the country, such as improving education, establishing healthcare, and sanctioning infrastructure improvements. Castro’s policies were economically detrimental, however, and he attacked potential political opponents among the wealthy by labeling them enemies of the revolution. He also made no move toward holding elections. Cuba’s elite began to migrate to the U.S., returning to Tampa and Miami where they were received enthusiastically as sympathizers in the fight against Communism. The second mass wave of Cuban immigration to the United States also generated good feelings between Southern citizens and Cubans as they joined together to defend liberty and freedom, two constant narratives in American history that were particularly valued in the South. DE QUESADA, RICARDO ALARCÓN. 2009. "The Long March of the Cuban Revolution." Monthly Review: An Independent Socialist Magazine 60, no. 8: 14-27. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost. Pérez, Louis A.. 2002. “Fear and Loathing of Fidel Castro: Sources of US Policy Toward Cuba”. Journal of Latin American Studies 34 (2). Cambridge University Press: 227–54. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3875788. [1] http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1959/19590914.html Thousands of Cuban immigrants arrived in the United States seeking shelter from Castro. Many of these immigrants were familiar with the United States because they had visited for business of vacation before the Cuban Revolution. Some of the immigrants has existing business or personal connections in the Southern Cuban communities, and they adjusted to the American way of life with ease. Cuban culture was Americanized under Batista, which proved to be a benefit in the situation. South Florida remained the center for Cuban community, and exiles waiting for Castro to be overthrown bonded with exiles who had arrived earlier. The Cuban American citizens advised the new exiles on ways to guarantee rights and privileges in the United States by obtaining social security cards and educating children, and by helping them find jobs and places to live. The Cuban community in South Florida became close knit because of shared culture and heritage, but they also intertwined with American values and became part of the fabric making up the United States. Castro made ever more vicious attacks on the United States and on enemies of the revolution. In a 1960 speech given at the funeral of a rebel general and titled “The Enemies of the Revolution will be Annihilated” Castro proclaimed, “the government of the United States is the prime culprit […] The men who have sold out their fatherland are guilty here! The traitors are guilty! The big privileged groups of yesterday are responsible for this, the holders of privilege who refuse to resign themselves to the reality and justice of the revolution!”[1] The United States supported the Cuban immigrants who fled for exile and opposed Castro’s regime, and Castro’s attacks united the groups further in the fight for freedom. Under President Eisenhower and President Kennedy the United States sought to offer federally funded support to Cuban immigrants through the Cuban Refugee Program, which provided a range of services from free medical care to food. The program also helped Cubans who realized the permanence of their situation to relocate to other areas in the United States. According to one statistic, “by 1962 between 1500 and 2000 Cubans were arriving weekly”, and South Florida was not strong enough to continue supporting the bulk of immigrants.[2] The second wave of Cuban immigration saw the expansion of Cuban communities to the rest of the Southern United States. Tampa and Miami remained strong centers for Cuban American life and culture, but other similar communities established all over the South, expanding the impact of Cuban culture on the Southern United States. Pérez, Louis A.. 2002. “Fear and Loathing of Fidel Castro: Sources of US Policy Toward Cuba”. Journal of Latin American Studies 34 (2). Cambridge University Press: 227–54. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3875788. [1] http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1960/19601201-1.html [2] http://proust.library.miami.edu/findingaids/?p=creators/creator&id=51 https://www.floridamemory.com/onlineclassroom/cuban-revolution/photos/photos2.php
When Castro came to power he was careful to avoid labeling himself a Communist, though he worked with and was supported by the National Communist Party. Shortly after the revolution and Castro’s ascension to power, however, the Vice Premiere of the Soviet Union visited Havana. Castro knew that he would need protection in order to continue making attacks toward the United States, and the Soviet Union welcomed the opportunity to have a base of operations in the Western Hemisphere. In December 1961 Castro declared himself a Marxist-Leninist, which obligated the Soviet Union to protect Cuba. Castro began asking for nuclear weapons and soldiers, and urged the Soviet Union to attack the United States, even if it meant sacrificing Cuba. American surveillance planes spotted the nuclear weapons and negotiated with the Soviet Union to end what became known as the Cuban Missile Crisis. The Soviet Union agreed to take the weapons out of Cuba, and in return the U.S. promised not to invade Cuba. Castro found out about the deal and was infuriated to once again be treated as nothing more than an insignificant island.
A strong anti-Communist sentiment took hold in the United States during the Cold War, and the American citizens began to be paranoid and reactionary at the slightest hint of a red scare. Cuban communities that had been in the South since the 1800s became suspect. Following the trend in history where the majority who feels threatened reacts in violent and drastic ways, Cuban communities were bombed. According to one USA Today article, “throughout the 1960s and '70s, bombings of businesses and people who dealt with Cuba were a surprisingly frequent occurrence. Anti-Castro operatives used a terrifying variety of attacks against travel agencies that sold trips to Cuba, shipping companies that exported to the island and anybody who wanted to open the doors to the communist island. Even speaking out against the violence was a dangerous endeavor.”[1] Headlines such as the one in the following newspaper article became common throughout the two decades. Southern American reverted back to a place of fear and hatred, where the solution to the unknown threat of other races was violence. [1] Alan, Gomez, and USA TODAY. "Anti-Cuba dark days are thing of the past." USA Today, n.d., Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost |